David S. Feinberg
The sibling rivalry found in our parsha begins even before the twins are born. Rivkah senses their quarreling and, upon inquiring, is told that there are twins in her womb which will develop into two disparate - even rival - nations (Bereishis 25; 22-23). In fact, Chazal, in numerous places, give explanations for the odd terminology found here in the pesukim that explain the nature of the relationship of the nations developing out of Ya'akov and Eisav. In Pesachim 42b, it says that if one is full (in power) the other is in ruins, quoting the terminology found in our Parsha - U'le'om Mi'le'om Ye'ematz. In Megilah 6a, the Gemara warns that if one is told, regarding Keisari and Yerushalayim, (these two places represent Eisav, from which the Romans descended, Keisar being the capitol of Rome in Israel, and Ya'akov, represented by Yerushalayim, the capitol and most holy place for Ya'akov's descendants) that they are both standing, or both in ruins, not to believe it. Yet, if one is told that one is standing and the other is in ruins, one should believe such a statement. Thus, we see that the struggle between Ya'akov and Eisav, is a unique one, whereby neither nation can stand together. (There isn't room in this world for the two of us.) Rashi, on these words, states "Lo Nismal'ah Tzur Ela Michurbanah Shel Yerushalayim" - Tzur (refering to the kingdom of Eisav) was only reinstated upon the destruction of Yerushalayim.
It is, therefore, quite understandable that ideas - even terms - found in Parshas Toldos (where we are introduced to this sibling struggle, which becomes a struggle between nations) parallel terms found later in Tanach, involving descendants of Ya'akov and Eisav. (Furthermore, there is a concept known as Ma'aseh Avos Siman La'banim - the actions of our forefathers are a sign - foreshadowing - for the sons; this idea should certainly seem evident in the following parallels.) There are two incidents in Parshas Toldos in which Ya'akov and Eisav are entangled, (not including the time they spent in their mother's womb,) the selling of the birthright and Ya'akov's taking of the blessings. In both occurrences, Yaakov comes out with the upper hand. In both a parallel can be found in Megillas Ester, in reference to Mordechai and Haman, descendants of Ya'akov and Eisav.
When Eisav returns to the house famished and asks Ya'akov to feed him, he says "Hal'iteini Na Min
" (- give me some of this food) (25:30). The Ba'al HaTurim points out that the first letters of those three words spell Haman, a detail which, if understood independently, seems quite out of place. Of what significance is it that Haman is hinted to in this posuk? As the story progresses, and Ya'akov finally sells the dish to Eisav, who then eats it, the posuk tells us "VaYivez Eisav Es HaB'chorah" - and Eisav spurned the birthright (25:34). The Meforshim condemn Eisav, and point out that this posuk is here to show us that Eisav was aware of what he was doing when he sold the birthright; he simply didn't care for it, accentuating how terrible a Rasha he was. The Ba'al HaTurim, again, makes reference to Haman. Megillas Ester states "VaYivez B'Einav Lishlo'ach Yad B'Mordechai
" (3:6) to explain the feelings Haman had toward Mordechai upon his refusal to bow to him as everyone else had. One cannot ignore the striking parallel of the verb VaYivez, describing both Haman and his ancestor, Eisav. The Ba'al HaTurim's referencing Haman seems so much more appropriate in light of the fact that in Megillah 15a-15b, the Gemara and Rashi indicate that the frustration generated in Haman was over the fact that everyone bowed down to him except for Mordechai, who had good reason not to. Rashi comments that Haman had previously sold himself to Mordechai as a slave for a loaf of bread at a time when Haman was poor. It seems to be no accident that the same terminology is found in both of these to stories.
Eisav's second appearance in Parshas Toldos, also involving Ya'akov overcoming him, is when he finds out that Ya'akov 'stole' his B'rachah. He is enraged and screams out, "VaYitz'ak Tz'akah G'dolah U'Marah Ad Me'od" - and he screamed a very great and bitter cry (27; 34), a very similar phrase to that of "VaYiz'ak Z'akah G'dolah U'Marah" (Meg. Ester 4:1) describing Mordechai's cry upon hearing of Haman's evil decree.
With only the difference of one letter, and seemingly little difference in meaning (both Tz'akah and Z'akah mean a cry) it seems as if Mordechai's cry is paralleled with that of Haman's; it almost seems as if because of Eisav's cry, many generations later Mordechai, a Jew, must cry. Unlike the birthright, which Eisav sold to Ya'akov and even took oath to, the blessings were stolen from Eisav. This grieved Eisav enough to plan on killing Ya'akov after their father died (27: 41). Eisav never does kill Ya'akov, though he attempted to by sending his nephew to kill him; however, many years later, Haman attempts to kill the Jews, and, in response, Mordechai emits a cry.
(It is interesting to note that Yitzchak's immediate response to Eisav is that he can't do anything about the situation. In Yitzchak's response, "Hein G'vir Samtiv Lach V'es Kol Echov Nasati Lo La'Avadim," he is saying, essentially, that Eisav is a slave to Ya'akov, and, as the Rashbam points out, Mah SheKonoh Eved Konoh Rabo - whatever the slave acquires belongs to the master. What point is there in blessing Eisav if he cannot ultimately hold onto it anyway? In light of this, it seems quite interesting to find that Haman sold himself to Mordechai as a slave. Furthermore, as Megillas Ester ends, it turns out that whatever riches and position Haman had, Mordechai received.)
There is, however, a significant difference between the two words "Tz'akah" and "Z'akah," which perhaps could shed insight as to the difference in the nature of the cries of Eisav and Mordechai. Although both words may be translated as a cry, they have different connotations; Tz'akah is a particularly thunderous scream, , while Z'akah denotes an internal, grievous cry, which need not be voiced. Eisav had to voice his cry because his whole persona was one in which the external does not match the internal; he was interested in the external appearance, highlighted by the special external garment that he would wear to trick his father into thinking that he was something other than he truly was. In fact, his cry came at the realization that his brother had stolen his blessing; he was concerned with his honor, an external thing. Mordechai's Z'akah, however, was different in nature, in that he was crying out of distress for the immediate threat to the future of his people. He, as a leader of the Jewish people, felt a national distress, not simply a personal one. His Z'akah, was not necessarily loud, or even voiced. Chazal tell us, in fact, that it is preferred to pray in a whisper as Chanah did, and that one who prays (Shemonah Esrei) out loud is considered to be of little belief. (The Maharal writes in Netiv HaAvodah that a whisper is more spiritual.) Thus, Mordechai's Z'akah was a much more spiritual and meaningful one than Eisav's Tz'akah.
It seems clear that the terminology found in Megillas Ester reminds us of Parshas Toldos. The Ba'al HaTurim doesn't make reference to Haman without reason. It is important that we keep in mind the nature of the Ya'akov-Eisav struggle. Just as our enemies took power when the Jews didn't identify themselves with the Torah properly in the times of Megillas Ester, so too has been the case in other instances in our history. However, when the Jews did do proper T'shuva, Mordechai took over everything that Haman had owned, and we overcame our enemy. The Ya'akov-Eisav struggle never ended in Sefer B'reishis; it continues onward until we end it.